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Bill brief/H.R.2913/119th Congress

U.S. would expand Ukraine aid and sharply tighten pressure on Russia

Official title

Ukraine Support Act

H.R. 2913 sets up long‑term U.S. support for Ukraine through military assistance, strict sanctions and trade limits on Russia, and funding tools for Ukraine’s reconstruction. It also requires many reports and strategies on allied support, Russian disinformation, and nuclear energy cooperation with Europe. The bill was introduced in the House and would take effect only if passed by Congress and signed into law.

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Where it stands

Awaiting Senate floor consideration

Latest recorded action

Read the second time. Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 462.

Jul 20, 2026

Topics

DefenseEconomyTechnologyMilitary AidSanctionsExport ControlsUkraine ReconstructionRussia Oil And Gas

Bill

H.R.2913

Introduced

Apr 14, 2025

Sponsor

Gregory Meeks

Chamber

House

What the bill does

What this bill does

The bill states Congress’s support for Ukraine, condemns Russia’s invasion and the kidnapping of Ukrainian children, and reaffirms the importance of NATO. It authorizes U. S. use of war‑risk insurance for ships moving cargo to and from Ukraine and creates an “Insurance for Ukraine Initiative” at the State Department to encourage war‑risk insurance and investment in Ukraine’s economy. It codifies a Special Coordinator for Ukrainian Reconstruction at the State Department and creates a Ukraine Reconstruction Trust Fund in the U. S.

Treasury, funded by taxes on certain Russian sovereign assets, to pay for rebuilding, humanitarian aid, and economic development in Ukraine. The bill extends and expands U. S. defense support. It lengthens the Ukraine lend‑lease authority through 2028 and requires reports on equipment loaned and plans to return it. It raises and repurposes loan authority for direct loans and foreign military financing for Ukraine and NATO allies, and adds new funding for Baltic countries’ military and border forces. It continues the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative through 2027.

It also mandates recurring reports to Congress on allied military contributions to Ukraine and on U. S. -Ukraine intelligence support and cooperation. The bill creates a large sanctions and export‑control regime tied to a recurring presidential determination about Russia’s actions in or toward Ukraine.

If the President finds that Russia is waging a war of aggression, refusing sincere peace talks, or violating a peace deal, the President must impose sanctions on named Russian banks, other Russian financial institutions, major oil, gas, coal, mining and mineral firms, senior Russian officials and military leaders, Rosatom and its nuclear dealings, persons tied to a Crimea tunnel or the occupied Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant, and persons involved in kidnapping Ukrainian children or Russia–North Korea arms cooperation.

It also targets vessels that carry Russian oil above the G7 price cap and financial messaging services (like SWIFT access) for Russian banks. It raises U. S. import duties on Russian goods to at least 500 percent and closes a loophole on products refined abroad from Russian oil. The bill adds export controls on foreign‑produced items that are direct products of U. S. technology when those items are headed to Russia, with specific carve‑outs for food, medicine, medical devices, and certain communications tools.

It directs agencies to design strategies to stop exports of key electronics and technologies that can support Iranian unmanned aircraft systems and to consider military options to deny Iran such technology when it might be used in the Ukraine conflict. It also requires a U. S. strategy on U. S. –European nuclear energy cooperation to reduce Russia’s role in Europe’s nuclear fuel and services and authorizes funds to help allies build secure nuclear power programs. The bill spells out how sanctions are implemented, exceptions (for humanitarian aid, UN obligations, and U. S.

national security activities), conditions for termination and automatic re‑imposition, and a special congressional review process if a President tries to lift or weaken major Russia sanctions.

Key provisions

  • Creates an Insurance for Ukraine Initiative inside the State Department. The program would coordinate war-risk insurance and support investment and grain exports from Ukraine, with yearly reports for four years.
  • Lets the U.S. government insure certain ships against war risks for five years after enactment. This would cover NATO, Ukrainian, and some partner-owned ships carrying cargo to or from Ukraine, even if normal rules would not allow it.
  • Creates a Special Coordinator for Ukrainian Reconstruction inside the State Department. The coordinator would help U.S. agencies work together and bring in private investment.
  • Creates a Ukraine Reconstruction Trust Fund in the U.S. Treasury. The fund would use taxes on income from certain Russian government-owned assets and could pay for Ukraine rebuilding, humanitarian aid, economic growth, and government reforms only after Congress provides the money.
  • Provides $250 million in fiscal year 2026 for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. It also allows new offices and more programming to fight disinformation in the Eurasia region.
  • Extends Ukraine lend-lease authority for defense equipment through fiscal year 2028. Each time it is used, the government must report within 90 days on what equipment was provided and how it plans to recover it.
  • Authorizes up to $8 billion in direct loan principal through fiscal year 2026 for Ukraine and NATO allies under the Arms Export Control Act. It also redirects some existing foreign military financing money to cover loan costs.
  • Adds new funding for the Baltic states from fiscal years 2026 through 2028. Each Baltic country would get $30 million a year in Foreign Military Financing grants and $4 million a year for nonproliferation, anti-terrorism, demining, and related work.
  • Extends the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative through December 31, 2027. It authorizes $300 million in fiscal year 2026 and another $300 million in fiscal year 2027.
  • Requires reports every 90 days on military help that allies and partners give Ukraine. It also requires classified reports on U.S.-Ukraine intelligence support every 90 days after a first report due in 120 days.

Impact

Why it matters—and who it affects

Why it matters

This bill matters for Ukraine because it links military, economic, and diplomatic tools into a long‑term support plan. If enacted, Ukraine could receive continued U.S. defense assistance, more stable shipping and insurance for trade, and dedicated funding streams for reconstruction and humanitarian needs. It also pushes back on Russian disinformation and supports independent media like Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, which are used by audiences in Ukraine and nearby regions. For Russia and countries doing business with Russia, the bill would create some of the strongest U.S. sanctions to date. It targets Russian banks, energy, mining, sovereign debt, and nuclear sectors, along with people and companies that help Russia get weapons, money, or technology, including through North Korea and some foreign ship operators. This could affect global energy and financial markets, trade routes, and supply chains, although the exact size of those effects would depend on how other countries respond and how strictly these measures are enforced. For the United States and its allies, the bill would formalize support for NATO, Baltic states, and European nuclear energy cooperation, and reinforce coordination on export controls. It also gives Congress more oversight over any future effort to ease Russia sanctions, which can shape how predictable U.S. policy looks to allies, investors, and adversaries. The overall impact on U.S. taxpayers, businesses, and consumers would depend on implementation details, future appropriations, and international reactions, which are not fully predictable from the bill text alone.

Who it affects

This bill mainly affects Ukraine, Russia, U.S. agencies, NATO allies, and companies tied to Russian trade, finance, energy, shipping, or technology. Ukraine could receive more defense help, trade support, rebuilding money, and humanitarian support. Russia and businesses working with key Russian sectors could face blocked assets, visa bans, tariffs, import bans, and tighter export controls. U.S. agencies would have to run new programs, enforce sanctions, and send frequent reports to Congress.

The debate

The case for it—and the concerns

These are the main arguments surrounding the bill, not Modern Action’s position.

Arguments in support

  • It provides a long‑term, structured framework for U.S. military, economic, and diplomatic support to Ukraine, which some see as important for Ukraine’s ability to defend its territory and rebuild.
  • By imposing broad sanctions on Russian banks, energy, mining, and sovereign debt, supporters say it increases economic costs on Russia for its actions in Ukraine and may reduce resources available for future military operations.
  • The creation of a Ukraine Reconstruction Trust Fund tied to Russian sovereign asset income is viewed by backers as a way to have Russia help pay for damage linked to its conduct, rather than relying only on U.S. and allied taxpayers.
  • Expanded support for NATO, the Baltic states, and European nuclear energy cooperation is seen as strengthening collective defense and reducing Europe’s dependence on Russian energy, which some argue improves long‑term security.
  • Stronger export controls and restrictions on technology flows, including to Iran’s unmanned aircraft programs, are described as tools to limit Russia’s access to advanced components and third‑party support for its military.
  • The bill’s focus on Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and anti‑disinformation programs is seen as important for countering false narratives and supporting independent media in Ukraine and neighboring regions.
  • The congressional review mechanism for lifting Russia sanctions is viewed by some as a safeguard to ensure that any major change in sanctions policy receives scrutiny and cannot be made too quickly or without oversight.

Concerns and tradeoffs

  • The bill’s broad and long‑lasting sanctions, tariffs, and financial restrictions could have spillover effects on global markets, energy prices, and supply chains, which critics worry could harm U.S. consumers and businesses.
  • Some argue that large and ongoing military assistance, loan authorities, and new authorizations for Ukraine and allied militaries may deepen U.S. involvement in the conflict and create long‑term financial commitments.
  • Heavy sanctions on Russian energy and mining sectors, and on entities doing business with them, may encourage Russia and some third countries to build alternative financial and trade systems outside U.S. influence, reducing U.S. leverage over time.
  • Opponents may see the 500 percent tariff on all Russian goods and the closure of the oil import loophole as too blunt, potentially affecting certain industries or raising costs without clearly changing Russia’s behavior.
  • The special congressional review and joint‑resolution process could be viewed as limiting presidential flexibility in foreign policy and making it harder to adjust or lift sanctions as part of future negotiations.
  • Some may question whether tying reconstruction funding to taxed income from frozen Russian sovereign assets is workable in practice and whether it could raise legal or diplomatic disputes with other countries.
  • Requirements for frequent reports and complex strategies across many agencies may be seen as administratively heavy and difficult to implement quickly in a fast‑changing conflict environment.
  • The Ukraine Reconstruction Trust Fund is funded not by new general taxes but by directing future tax revenues from specific Russian sovereign asset income (section 892A), and money can be spent only if later appropriated by Congress.

Check the details

Key facts

  • Creates an “Insurance for Ukraine Initiative” in the State Department to coordinate war‑risk insurance and encourage investment and grain exports from Ukraine, with annual reports for four years.
  • Allows U.S. government war‑risk insurance for NATO, Ukrainian, and certain partner‑owned vessels carrying cargo to or from Ukraine for five years after enactment, overriding normal eligibility rules.
  • Codifies a Special Coordinator for Ukrainian Reconstruction inside the State Department to coordinate U.S. agencies and mobilize private capital.
  • Establishes a Ukraine Reconstruction Trust Fund in the U.S. Treasury, funded by taxes on certain Russian sovereign asset income (section 892A) and usable, via appropriations, for reconstruction, humanitarian aid, economic growth, and governance reforms in Ukraine.
  • Authorizes $250,000,000 in FY 2026 for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and allows opening new bureaus and expanded programming to counter disinformation in the Eurasia region.
  • Extends Ukraine lend‑lease authority for defense articles through fiscal year 2028 and requires a report within 90 days of each use describing equipment provided and recovery plans.
  • Authorizes up to $8,000,000,000 in direct loan principal through FY 2026 for Ukraine and NATO allies under the Arms Export Control Act, and repurposes certain existing foreign military financing balances to cover loan costs.
  • Adds new funding for Baltic states from FY 2026–2028: $30,000,000 per year in Foreign Military Financing grants and $4,000,000 per year in Nonproliferation, Anti‑terrorism, Demining, and Related programs for each Baltic country.

Legislative record

How far the bill has moved

Awaiting Senate floor consideration

Read the second time. Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 462. · Jul 20, 2026

  1. Introduced
  2. House Committee
  3. House Floor Vote
  4. Passed House
  5. 5Senate Review
  6. 6Passed Both Chambers
  7. 7Signed into Law

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